PDF version here.
Resist the Attacks!
Flint & Detroit Fight Back
by First of May Anarchist Alliance – Detroit Collective
Feb 2, 2016
From Flint to Detroit residents, students and teachers are on the frontlines in defending themselves against attacks by the ruling classes, the politicians and their police. It is the people of Flint who have forced the politicians and media to listen and learn of the Flint water crisis. It has been Students, teachers and their allies who are resisting the breakup of public education and connecting the struggle of DPS to the ongoing crisis facing Detroit beyond the classroom.
Politicians make excuses while regular people offer solutions. As the struggle moves forward we say:
1) Free, clean and safe water for Flint. There is only one solution in Flint: a new water system. The state made this mess, now they need to clean it up. We want safe water to each home and school! Dig up the contaminated pipes and replace those pipes. Whatever it takes until water infrastructure is replaced. We support the creation of mass, collective resistance and the refusal to pay water and utility bills. This also means refunding peoples water payments. No payments for poison.
2) Money and resources for physical and mental health services must be made available to those poisoned by the state, especially children. Instead of paying PR firms, the state should be putting money towards clinics and health initiatives focused on minimizing the effects of poisoning your own people.
3) Down with the Emergency Manager (EM). We must work to undermine the authority and control of the racist and anti-working class EM and the system it serves. We argue for self-organization of the people at the local level, mass organizations for defense of our communities. These new and independent organizations of the people are the alternative to the government at all levels.
4) We oppose privatization and militarization of the distribution of water and resources. All distribution of water and resources must be under popular control at the local level by democratic institutions. The people of Flint must decide on the immediate response! We oppose corporations making profit off of this crisis and we oppose the National Guard, army or police being placed in charge of distribution of water and resources.
5) Hands off students and teachers of the Detroit Public Schools. Support the students who have organized walkouts in solidarity with their teachers. This means no suspensions or punitive actions! Defend all teachers facing harassment, intimidation and threat of firing or legal action! An injury to one is an injury to all!
We’ve gone forward with republishing our agitaional broadsheet. Now renamed, Anarchist Revolution/Revolución Anarquista. The broadsheet reflects the issues, organizing and struggles we and the movements we are a part of are engaged in. The Jan/Feb issue has short articles on struggles in Minneapolis, Detroit & Chicago.
PDF versions are available through this site:
For printed copies please contact us:
Detroit, MI 48215
Send donation or stamp.
By db, First of May Anarchist Alliance Minnesota Collective
What is at Stake in North Minneapolis and #Justice4Jamar
This article is written by member, db, a new school teacher and resident in North Minneapolis. The lessons and realities here come from conversations with hundreds of residents, students, neighbors, and protesters. As you’ll see the situation in N Mpls shares much in common with a city near you.
The horrific execution of an unarmed, handcuffed, on the ground black man in front of dozens of witnesses has led to an outburst of struggle whose fire is not spent and whose meaning is still being defined. In this article, I will argue that what is at stake in this struggle is the future of North Minneapolis, which, in miniature, is a question of the future of our cities and of working class people across the country.
Without going too deeply into one man’s life, we can see the overlapping forces of a city, state, and nation who choose to disinvest in his neighborhood, a school system that failed to provide him with sufficient opportunities or political consciousness, a prison system that would be happy to wastefully consume much of his life, and a status quo that wishes to see all people like him literally gone from the city, and perhaps the world. By the hand of a gun. By sentence to a prison cell, and the shift from freedom to actual existing slavery. By economic disinvestment and displacement, including fleeing the real and imagined school failures undermined by those seeking to make money off poor areas cleared of poor people. Continue Reading…
First of May Anarchist Alliance Detroit Collective
Ferguson, Roderick A. Aberrations in Black. Toward a Queer of Color Critique. (Minneapolis, London. University of Minnesota Press. 2004. Critical American Studies Series.)
I was drawn to this book because of the critical connections it makes between capitalism and left movements that claim to oppose capitalism: liberalism, marxism and revolutionary nationalism. It shows how the acceptance and defense of patriarchy and “normative” behavior serves the needs of capital. It starts from the point of view of people whose self definitions, behaviors and practices are seen as outside respectable, acceptable society: transpeople, people of color, queers, single women, juvenile delinquents, immigrants, prisoners – all of the “others” who have been repeatedly erased, their lives and experiences denied. The cultural site they/we occupy allows us to put forward strategies to demolish capitalism. If our needs are met, if we are a part of the liberatory force, with full respect and dignity, in coalition with others, we have a better chance to avoid cooptation by capitalist forces.
A part of the failure of the marxist and revolutionary nationalist left can be directly tied to their support of patriarchy, their erasure of the needs and experiences of queers and women, their valuing of the nation state as a positive good, able and necessary to achieve stability. Continue Reading…
Community mobilizations and occupation in front of 4th Precinct. Against police murder and fascist terror! Photo from Twin Cities IWW African People’s Caucus
Now is the Time – Community Self-Defense
Statement from First of May Anarchist Alliance, Nov 25, 2015
Last night’s shooting of several protesters by suspected white supremacists at the Justice for Jamar encampment outside the 4th precinct police station on the North side of Minneapolis was a major escalation of racist violence against the Black community here and reflective of a dangerous polarization taking place across the country.
We must understand the shooting last night where 5 protesters were wounded as an attempt to snuff out and repress the dynamic movement that has developed out of the campaign to win Justice for Jamar Clark (the unarmed young Black man shot in the head and killed by MPD while in hand-cuffs in mid-November). The Black-led, multi-racial movement has included an encampment outside and occupation inside the front of the northside 4th police precinct, mass blockade of a major interstate highway, and militant direct action against the station. The encampment has created an alternative community with donated and shared food, alternative media, political discussions, tactical arguments, and human bonding around the many bonfires deep into the night.
The sanctioning of the racist gunmen by the cops on duty at the station last night was apparent. Protesters who pleaded for help were ignored or mocked. These cops hate the north Minneapolis community and the movement for justice that has exposed police brutality. Both the liberal police chief, with her lies about “outside agitators” and the fascist police federation president, with his calls for a crackdown on the protesters, gave license to these racists who had made several appearances at the protests to carry out their attacks. Furthermore, the Presidential political campaign has given legitimacy to racist, sexist, anti-immigrant, and Islamophobic rhetoric and violence.
We believe that this movement must not be intimidated or allowed to be coaxed into a more “respectable” (read: controlled) political process in the aftermath of this attack. There is no safety in conciliation and retreat. Instead we need to draw the sober lesson that we cannot and should not depend on the same institution for protection that we accuse of murder, brutality, and injustice. We must immediately begin building the foundations of real Community Self-Defense – both for the safety of the movement today and to start creating permanent alternatives to racist policing.
While we are proud of our work building workplace, anti-fascist, and anti-eviction defense organizations and have great affinity with the IWW African Peoples Caucus and General Defense Committee, our organized forces remain relatively small. Community Self-Defense will require encouraging and embracing many, many more people from churches and mosques, unions and student groups, GLBT groups and street organizations in a common effort.
The project must be based on collective self-reliance, self-management and self-defense. There must be room for democratic debate and decision making and accountability to the communities and movements in which they are based – while also taking security very seriously. There must be a spirit of solidarity and a refusal to replicate the racist, sexist and homophobic permanent police officers. We need to be connected with the various other important struggles for education and living wages, against gentrification and evictions. And finally we need an understanding of what we are up against and what it will take to win.
For us, as anarchists, that means a revolutionary struggle, controlled by the grassroots (not by top-down leaders), against this system of exploitation and oppression and the government and police that protects it.
It’s a big task, and Community Self-Defense is where we begin.
by First of May Anarchist Alliance, Autumn 2015
for PDF version, here.
The following points represent a brief statement of priorities, an outline of some of the perspectives our organization has decided on to help guide our thinking and actions in the coming period. We do not want to overstate where our organization is at in our analysis and organizing, nor are these points a substitute for the hard discussions our organization still must have. These points developed out of reviews and discussions of the nature of the current period, the continuing wave of social protest domestically and abroad, and how we as a small and specific group of anarchist revolutionaries can participate in and help build those movements for dignity, justice and freedom.
1. Our starting point in both our perspective and in our current work is the importance of organizing for the social self-defense of the working-class and oppressed communities. Working class defense organizations are the best vehicle for combatting the system of white supremacy, patriarchy, capitalism and the state, and must be central to how we participate in social struggles in our communities. They may take many forms, from small, local collectives and projects to mass formations. What they share in common is the determination and the capacity to fight back.
People and the earth are under attack from multiple directions, and in both isolated and structural forms:
- Austerity – low wages, social cuts, restricting unions, the assault on urban public school systems;
- Displacement – foreclosures and gentrification, corporate encroachment on Native and farm land;
- Racist Repression and Criminalization – police brutality, mass imprisonment, a militarized border and record deportations;
- Backlash – attacks on reproductive freedom, rape culture, violence aimed at queer and transfolk, fascist, fundamentalist, and far-right movements;
- Empire – An unending “war on terror”, high-tech militarization & surveillance, economic blackmail and proxy occupations;
- Climate change and ecological devastation brought on by industrial capitalism that threatens life on earth;
- And on and on and on . . .
M1’s instinctual immersion in and building of working-class defense organizations ranging from eviction defense & tenants organizing to stewards councils & IWW organizing committees to antifa work, prison organizing and radical alternatives to 12-step programs have placed us shoulder to shoulder with those who have begun to question things and fight back.
These defense organizations are an essential foundation for developing the self-organization and strategy, rooted in the experience of the working-class and oppressed communities, both for immediate fights for survival and revolutionary overthrow of capitalism, white supremacy, patriarchy and the state.
(This was wrote over this past Summer. Miriam had decided to share it with M1 and to publish it In memoriam).
REMEMBERING MY FRIEND BUNNY
by Miriam, First of May Anarchist Alliance Detroit Collective
Yesterday I was browsing the Internet, looking for an old friend. In an article dated June 9, 2011, this is what I found: WAVE OF HOMOPHOBIC VIOLENCE IN PUERTO RICO – 18 DEAD IN 18 MONTHS – LGBTQ MURDERS ON THE RISE.
Ivan McDonald and Frank DiGiovanni were among the listed dead.
I first met my friend Bunny, born Ivan Courtney McDonald in Jamaica, W.I. on March 24, 1950, when he moved with his family to Compton, California. He had come to the United States at the age of 5, living in Massachusetts until the age of 12, when they moved to Compton. We met at Walton Junior High School, in a science class, and together with another classmate, Don Chan, became close, see-you-every-day friends. His family home was across the street from Compton High and, after school, I would go over to the McDonalds every day. We taught ourselves how to play guitar; we wrote and played songs and poems, with great intensity. Both Don and Bunny’s experiences helped form my own, and as I became more political, I brought them with me. Together we went to anti-war marches, including ones that turned violent from police attack, like occurred in Century City in 1966. Together we smoked dope and went to love-ins. We talked ourselves out of stops by the police, except the one time we got arrested, along with my brother, Martin, for having weed. They called him all kinds of n words, called Martin a girl (long hair) and separated me out for the ride to the women’s jail, Sybil Brand Institute, SBI. Ma got us out, with bail money she kept on hand.
When it came time to register for the draft, Bunny did not. When it came time to declare citizenship (he had a choice between the US, Jamaica and England), Bunny did not.
Bunny told me he was gay when we were about 14 or 15. There was no gay movement then (1964) that we knew about. He spoke and wrote about his struggles being Black and Queer. We hitchhiked to San Francisco the first time in 1966. Bunny went back, connecting with the gay community around Haight Street. There is an issue of San Francisco Sunshine newspaper featuring a front page photograph of a group of naked men holding rifles, proclaiming the Gay Revolution. Bunny is center, front.
I moved to New York in 1967 and the following year Bunny came and stayed with me. He was looking for work as an actor and found a few parts, very very off off Broadway. He also had experience as a carpenter, learned from his father, and an extremely original and creative artistic sense. He moved back to California, this time San Francisco.
Bunny first introduced me to Frank in 1966. Bunny was living in converted garage space in his family home. He brought Frank home – they were together from then on.
Frank DiGiovanni was an Italian guy from New York, a little bit older, very street smart, intelligent and caring. They moved to San Francisco, where they would buy a place, renovate and sell. They then moved to New York, doing pretty much the same thing. Bunny worked as a set designer also, notably on Spike Lee’s Crooklyn.
They moved to St. Lucia and later to Maunabo, Puerto Rico where they lived next to the Caribbean Sea. I visited them in 2004, where they welcomed me like a sister, with much attention and love.
You don’t always keep in touch with the people you love and so it was with Bunny. When I did try to re connect, I found murder. Anger, sadness, loss, goddamnit.
I can remember Frankie playing Hogan’s Alley on the piano, Bunny on the guitar, laughter, conversation, a wittiness and understanding of the world and its ways that one doesn’t often find. I remember my friends Bunny and Frankie. I remember Frankie telling me, “we courted for 35 minutes and now we’ve been together 35 years.” It’s a story to share.
The following is a discussion document first drafted in June 2015 and discussed, amended, edited over the course of a couple months, and approved by the First of May Anarchist Alliance in September 2015.
We welcome discussion and debate of this document in order to help build a stronger and more sophisticated revolutionary anti-fascist movement.
This statement is dedicated to the martyrs of the “Mother Emanuel” massacre and all victims of racist and fascist violence. We dedicate our lives to ending these attacks, and the system that perpetuates them.
-First of May Anarchist Alliance, September 2015
pamphlet version available HERE
I. On June 17, 2015 a young white fascist carried out a vicious and hateful mass murder against 9 parishioners and clergy of the historic Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina.
“Mother” Emanuel is the oldest Black congregation in the American South. It was the center of planning for a great slave rebellion in 1822 that was suppressed with the execution of Denmark Vesey and 34 others and the burning of the church building. The re-built “Mother” Emanuel has been at the center of Black Charleston ever since.
Dylann Storm Roof, the white supremacist that carried out the massacre must have known the symbolic power of his act of terror. It seems to have been designed to respond to the mass movements of the last year, that “No, Black lives do not matter.”
Roof is said to have drifted into fascist politics as part of the sizable right-wing and racist support for George Zimmerman, the vigilante killer of Trayvon Martin in Florida. Roof said that Zimmerman was right, and so did the courts and many others. Roof went on to make contact with neo-nazis, the KKK, and the racist Council of Conservative Citizens. He publicly identified with the old apartheid regimes in Southern Africa. It would be a mistake to see his radicalization and activation as an isolated incident – more likely Roof represents the tip of an iceberg.
II. South Carolina was the heart of the Confederacy, the state most dependent on slave labor and where the first shots of the US Civil War were fired. Since the defeat of post-Civil War Reconstruction, the racist white power structure has ruled the state, openly flying the Confederate flag as their symbol.
STRAIGHT OUTTA COMPTON – A Review
By Miriam, First of May Anarchist Alliance Detroit Collective
I was drawn to the film, Straight Outta Compton because this is where I’m from: Compton, California, where I lived from 1954 through 1967, when I graduated Compton Senior High. My family were Communists and so were active in a variety of community organizations – the Compton Council on Human Relations, the NAACP, my mother’s union. As a result I was active, too, in picketing Woolworth’s as part of the northern civil rights movement and joining union picket lines. As a family we attended various CP programs, hootenannies, bazaars, etc. and watched television news reports of the southern civil rights movement, the police and dog attacks and so forth. I was aware of Black/white dynamics at an early age and I was especially aware of the police and how they treated my friends, differently from me.
In Hieronymous’ review of this film on libcom.org he discusses the economic situation of Compton and Long Beach, the loss of work after the downsizing of the aircraft industry, the increased militarization of the police and the increase of Mexican immigrants into the community.
Straight Outta Compton portrays a realistic view of the police from a young Black man’s point of view – hostile, brutal, a very clear enemy. None of the “we are your friends” rhetoric promoted by school-law enforcement programs or by the mainstream media. The opening scenes of a police battering ram tearing apart the front of a home has shock value, but I don’t forget that this is the real.
The main criticism of the film has come from the women’s community who rightfully protest the erasure of the violence done to women by members of NWA. The film is promoted as a documentary, and because of this, the treatment meted out to Dee Barnes and other women in Andre Young’s (Dr. Dre) life should have been shown, in all its ugliness.
This aspect of the culture (male rap) is very anti woman – women are b’s and h’s, useful for p and for fetching and carrying drinks, to be ordered around. This over the top sexist behavior is not limited to male rappers, nor is it limited to Black or Latin communities. To greater or lesser degrees it exists wherever power is exalted, and power over people (men over women) is either celebrated or accepted as normal behavior.
Another criticism of the film is its treatment of the 3 Jewish men who represent the record industry. Because they are the only white people in the film (except for police, judges and the people stomping on NWA’s cds in a demonstration organized by Tipper Gore) their Jewishness stands out. One manager is ready to fight after hearing an anti-Semitic remark: “Did you hear that?! I’m going to call my friends in the JDL [Jewish Defense League]!!” He doesn’t get nearly as emotional or disgusted even when he witnesses the police humiliation of NWA outside his studio.
The true fact is that while not all recording industry personnel are Jewish, many are. Historically, it has been the Jewish promoter approaching the Black musician to be the in-between – the person promising big money to the artists and promising to represent them to the rest of the industry. This relationship of middleman is loaded with opportunities for fraud and that is what happens in this movie, too.
The young rappers wanting to believe they are That Good to get a record deal, the suspicions of the “white man,” the 3-inch thick contracts they don’t read, the promotion of parties, drugs, drink and women all conspire to keep NWA unaware of exactly how much money they made and how much is taken from them. “It’s business,” they’re told, “this is the way it is.”
I especially appreciated the unmasking of police violence and how this experience affected the Los Angeles rebellion after the cops who beat Rodney King were acquitted. One striking scene shows a red bandanna knotted to a blue bandanna as both advanced on the police. This signifies the Crips-Bloods truce that took place during the rebellion.
The call-in comments to the local radio station here in Detroit were all along the lines of “it is so good to see us on the screen” and “they are finally showing our story.”
Reality rap is called Gansta Rap by promoters; it is bought by youth Black and white; it is a focus of hostility directed at young Black people; its misogyny and over the top swearing keeps many parents from letting their children listen to it. It remains one of the few places Black youth feel they can speak their truth in language that is familiar. It is here that they touch the hearts and minds of other youth – worldwide, of all cultures and backgrounds – facing similar oppression.
In 2012, at the founding conference of our organization, First of May Anarchist Alliance (M1), members of the anarchist and libertarian journal, The Utopian, were in attendance. There were several discussions of affiliation and movement towards building a collaborative political tendency between M1 and The Utopian. The reality being that there already existed crossover between the groups with some members being part of both projects and other individuals having been supportive of each others work over the past years.
Over the next few years there has been support, aid and solidarity between our projects. Increasingly however there have also been questions and differences in both political priorities and approaches to organizing. It is unfortunate that these differences were not constructively raised or worked through. In June, members of The Utopian issued a letter outlining their differences and the break in political solidarity with M1. Several days later they issued another message announcing the end of collaboration with M1. We are issuing our response.
Below our response you will find the link to The Utopian letter and announcement.
First of May Anarchist Alliance
July 22, 2015
1. At its founding, supporters of the First of May Anarchist Alliance (M1), entered into an agreement with supporters of the journal, The Utopian, to work together and develop common efforts to build a revolutionary and anarchist organization. Those efforts have ended and supporters of The Utopian are no longer supporters of M1. The two organizations go their separate ways.
2. From the beginning, it was not clear as to how the two organizations would work together. M1 is and has been an organization of anarchists, actively involved in the struggles of the working class. We emphasize this with our principles of affinity, specifically point two, “A working class orientation”. The Utopian is and has been a group of anarchists who work together to put out a journal.
3. The strength of M1 is being an organization of anarchists, actively involved in the struggles of the working class, but this also is a weakness, as M1 has not been disciplined enough in developing its political approach, its propaganda, drawing out lessons from its work and in developing the framework for its view of the world.
4. Supporters of The Utopian have not been active in M1 for the past year, so the collaboration ended some time ago. Now it has formally ended.
5. The Utopian has published the letter it sent to formally end the relationship between the two organizations, which letter was sent in response to a request from M1 for clarification of certain issues, questions related to the work of the two organizations and whether supporters of The Utopian would participate in the upcoming M1 conference/meet up. The Utopian letter pointed to three main issues as the basis for the split: the lack of written response from M1 supporters to a nature of the period document written by a supporter of The Utopian for M1’s founding conference in 2012; the issue of defense of the right of Ukraine to self-determination in response to attacks by the Russian imperialists; and the fight of the Kurdish people and the PKK and its affiliated organizations in Rojava against ISIS.
6. On the nature of the period document from 2012, it was a useful document. It covered some issues related to the decline of the hegemonic power of the U.S. and was helpful in discussing the outlook of Marxists, the likely rebound of Marxist groups and the inability of Marxism to offer solutions or alternatives to capitalism. No one has or had a crystal ball, so the 2012 document is dated and did not forsee the collapse of the Arab spring, the resurgence of reactionary forces in Egypt and elsewhere, and the growth of ISIS. More troubling is the document’s failure to recognize the depth of despair among precarious workers in the U.S. and other advanced countries and level of attacks underway against communities of color and the Black community, in particular, in the U.S. and the danger of the resurgence of white supremacy. Now, among the central issues we face in the U.S. are the growth and development of the movement against police violence, what is called the Black Lives Matter movement, and the resurgence of white supremacy and racist violence and fascist organizing in response to that movement.
7. A supporter of The Utopian, also a founding member of M1, worked on developing a political response on the issue of Ukraine and the Russian attacks on the integrity of Ukraine. M1, as an organization, devoted considerable time and effort to this discussion. There were various concerns and approaches discussed. At a meet up in Chicago a year ago, the approach on Ukraine was one of the most important discussions. There was general agreement on the approach of defending the right of Ukraine and the people of Ukraine to self determination and opposition to the attacks of the Russian imperialists against Ukraine and developing the approach of military support to the people of Ukraine in this fight despite the role and involvement of right wing nationalists and even fascist forces along with the government of Ukraine in the fight against Russian imperialism. The person who was both a supporter of The Utopian and M1 was tasked with writing up the results of the discussion for M1 and to provide the basis for an M1 statement in defense of the right to the people of Ukraine to self determination and our support and defense of their fight against Russian imperialism even though we had no political agreement with the capitalist government of Ukraine or the right wing nationalist forces involved in the fight against Russian imperialism. The supporter of The Utopian chose, instead, to write an article for The Utopian on Ukraine and ceased activity with M1. That was a year ago.
8. M1 supporters should have completed this discussion on Ukraine on our own and should have stated our position and approach more clearly. The discussion on Ukraine and the right to self determination and the concept of military support without political support to the forces opposing Russian imperialism, helped to inform the discussions on Kobane and Rojava and the fight of the Kurds against ISIS in Syria. M1 did develop its approach on this fight and express its support for the fight of the Kurds against ISIS and held public meetings and discussions on this fight. Supporters of The Utopian were not involved in these discussions or these efforts and did not attend the public discussions on these issues. Contrary to statements in The Utopian letter, M1 did not offer any type of political support to the PKK and its affiliated organizations or attempt to downplay the history of the PKK as a Marxist/Leninist organization. M1 discussed and sought to encourage discussion of the role of Ocalan, the changes in political philosophy announced by the PKK and its affiliated organizations related to the fight against patriarchy, the role of women in the fight, the changes in the approach to national liberation and issues related to a Kurdish state, local autonomy and many other issues. At no point did M1 claim that the PKK and its affiliated organizations had ceased to be a Marxist organization or had become an anarchist organization or that M1 was in political agreement with Ocalan or the PKK and its affiliated organizations. This is false. M1 attempted to participate in discussions related to these issues, in the necessity of fighting the ISIS forces, the role of women in the fight, issues related to local autonomy and the fight for anarchist revolution, the issue of borders and ending borders, and the role of the maximum leader and why that is and was counter to all conceptions of anarchist organizing.
9. M1 continues to discuss and develop its approach on self determination, opposing imperialism, opposing ISIS, opposing U.S. imperialism, offering military support even where we are not in political agreement and so forth. Where The Utopian letter says M1 should “be ashamed” of our approach on Ukraine, we are not ashamed and we continue to develop our approach. We reject the allegation that M1 capitulated to the PKK and its affiliated organizations or downplayed the history of the PKK in the fight of the Kurdish people, while M1 continues its discussions of supporting and defending the fight of the Kurds and others against ISIS even though M1 is not in political support of the PKK and its affiliated organizations.
10. M1 will continue to work to build an anarchist organization based in the actual struggles of the working class and oppressed people. M1 is aware of the need to continue discussions to develop its political approach and to see those discussions through within our organization. These discussions are necessary in order to develop the political approaches and the framework of political agreement for building a fighting and revolutionary anarchist organization. Our forces are small, but we are determined to continue to develop our propaganda and our approach and our beliefs and our organization. We urge individuals and groupings who seek to build a revolutionary and anarchist organization based in the struggles of the working class and oppressed peoples to join with us.
Follow the below link to The Utopian,
The Utopian’s relationship with M1AA